The next volume of the "Peoples and Cultures" series is devoted to the ethnography of the indigenous peoples of the North-East of Siberia: the Ainu, Aleuts, Itelmens, Kamchadals, Kereks, Koryaks, Nivkhs, Chuvans, Chukchi, Eskimos, Yukagirs. This is the first generalizing work, which presents a detailed description of the ethnic cultures of all Paleo-Asian peoples of the Far East. The book acquaints the reader with the results of the latest research in anthropology, archeology, ethnic history of these peoples, traditional economy, social organization, beliefs, customs and holidays, unique folk and professional art, folklore, social life. New materials from museums, state archives, and private collections are introduced into scientific circulation. Especially interesting are photographs of the Northern Expedition of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences of the 1950s-2000s.
For ethnologists, historians and a wider range of readers.
The peoples of the North and the Far East are called small in number. This term includes not only the demography of the ethnos, but also its culture - traditions, customs, way of life, etc.
The legislation clarified the concept of smallness. These are peoples with a population of less than 50 thousand people. Such manipulation made it possible to "throw out" the Karelians, Komi, Yakuts from the list of northern peoples.
Who stayed
What are the small Russia known today? These are Yukaghirs, Enets, Tuvans-Tojins, Kereks, Orochi, Kets, Koryaks, Chukchi, Aleuts, Eskimos, Tubalars, Nenets, Teleuts, Mansi, Evens, Evens, Shors, Evenks, Nanai, Nganasans, Alyutors, Veps, Tazy , Chuvans, Soyts, Dolgans, Itelmens, Kamchadals, Tofalars, Umandians, Khanty, Chulkans, Negidal, Nivkhs, Ulta, Sami, Selkups, Telengits, Ulchi, Udege.
Indigenous peoples of the North and their language
They all belong to the following language groups:
- sami, Khanty and Mansi - to the Finno-Ugric;
- the Nenets, Selkups, Nganasans, Enets - to the Samoyed;
- dolgans - to the Turkic;
- evenks, Evens, Negidals, terms, Orochi, Nanai, Udege and Ulchi - to the Tungus-Manchu;
- chukchi, Koryak, Itelmen speak families;
- eskimos and Aleuts - Eskimo-Aleutian.
There are also isolated languages. They are not part of any group.
Many languages \u200b\u200bhave already been forgotten in colloquial speech and are used only in the everyday life of the old generation. Mostly they speak Russian.
Since the 90s, they have been trying to restore the lessons of their native language in schools. It is difficult to do this, since he is not well known to anyone, it is difficult to find teachers. When studying, children perceive their native language as a foreign language, since they rarely hear it.
Peoples of Russia: features of appearance
The appearance of the indigenous peoples of the North and the Far East is monolithic in contrast to their language. In terms of anthropological properties, most can be attributed to Small stature, dense build, light skin, black straight hair, dark eyes with a narrow cut, a small nose - these signs indicate this. An example is the Yakuts, the photos of which are given below.
With the development of the north of Siberia in the 20th century by the Russians, some peoples, as a result of mixed marriages, acquired a Caucasian outline of their faces. The eyes became lighter, their cut was wider, and brown hair began to appear more and more often. The traditional way of life is also acceptable for them. They belong to their native nation, but their names and surnames are Russian. The peoples of the North of Russia try to stick to their nation nominally for a number of reasons.
First, to preserve benefits that give the right to free fishing and hunting, as well as various subsidies and benefits from the state.
Secondly, to maintain numbers.
Religion
Previously, the indigenous peoples of the North were mainly followers of shamanism. Only at the beginning of the 19th century. they converted to Orthodoxy. During the Soviet Union, they had almost no churches and priests left. Only a small part of the people have kept icons and observe Christian rites. The majority adhere to traditional shamanism.
The life of the peoples of the North
The land of the North and the Far East is of little use for agriculture. The settlements are mainly located on the shores of bays, lakes and rivers, since only sea and river trade routes work for them. The time by which it is possible to deliver goods to villages across the rivers is very limited. Rivers are quickly freezing. Many become captives of nature for many months. It is also difficult for anyone from the mainland to get to their villages. At this time, you can get coal, gasoline, as well as the necessary goods only with the help of helicopters, but not everyone can afford it.
The peoples of the North of Russia observe and honor age-old traditions and customs. These are mainly hunters, fishermen, reindeer herders. Despite the fact that they live according to the examples and teachings of their ancestors, in their everyday life there are things from modern life. Radios, walkie-talkies, gasoline lamps, boat motors and much more.
Small peoples of the North of Russia are mainly engaged in reindeer husbandry. From this trade they get skins, milk, meat. They sell most of them, but there is enough for themselves. Deer are also used as transport. This is the only means of transportation between villages that are not separated by rivers.
Kitchen
Raw food diet prevails. Traditional dishes:
- Kanyga (half-digested contents of a deer's stomach).
- Deer antlers (growing horns).
- Kopalchen under pressure).
- Kiwiak (carcasses of birds decomposed by bacteria, which are stored in the skin of a seal for up to two years).
- Deer bone marrow, etc.
Work and trade
Some peoples of the North are developed, but only the Chukchi and Eskimos are engaged in it. Fur farms are a very popular type of income. Arctic foxes and minks are bred on them. Their products are used in sewing workshops. They are used to make both national and European clothes.
There are mechanics, salesmen, minders, nurses in the villages. But most of the reindeer herders, fishermen, hunters. Families who do this all year round live in the taiga, on the banks of rivers and lakes. They occasionally stop by the villages to buy various products, essential goods or send mail.
Hunting is a year-round trade. The peoples of the Russian Far North hunt on skis in winter. They take with them small sleds for equipment, mostly dogs carry them. More often they hunt alone, rarely in a company.
Housing of small peoples
These are mainly log houses. Nomads move with plagues. It looks like a tall, conical tent, the base of which is reinforced with multiple poles. Covered with chum deer skins sewn together. Such dwellings are transported on a sleigh with reindeer. Chum is usually placed by women. They have beds, bedding, chests. There is a stove in the center of the chum; some nomads have a bonfire, but this is rare. Some hunters and reindeer herders live in ravines. These are slatted houses, also covered with skins. They are similar in size to a construction trailer. Inside there is a table, bunk bed, oven. Such a house is transported on a sleigh.
Yaranga is a more complex wooden house. There are two rooms inside. The kitchen is not heated. But the bedroom is warm.
Only the indigenous peoples of the North still know how to build such dwellings. Modern youth are no longer trained in this kind of craft, as they mostly tend to leave for the cities. Few people remain to live according to the laws of their ancestors.
Why are the peoples of the North disappearing
Small nations are distinguished not only by their low numbers, but also by their way of life. The peoples of the European North of Russia retain their existence only in their villages. As soon as a person leaves and over time he moves to another culture. Few settlers come to the lands of the Northern peoples. And children, growing up, almost all leave.
The peoples of the North of Russia are mainly local (autochthonous) ethnic groups from the West (Karelians, Vepsians) to the Far East (Yakuts, Chukchi, Aleuts, etc.). Their population in their native places is not growing, despite the high birth rate. The reason is that almost all children grow up and leave the northern latitudes for the mainland.
In order for such peoples to survive, it is necessary to help their traditional economy. Reindeer pastures are rapidly disappearing due to the extraction of gas and oil. Farms are losing profitability. The reason is expensive food and the impossibility of grazing. Water pollution is affecting fisheries, which are becoming less active. Small peoples of the North of Russia are disappearing very rapidly, their total number is 0.1% of the country's population.
Face to face
You can't see the face.
Great things are seen at a distance.
Sergey Yesenin
We examined the reflection of the face of Europe's gene pool in three mirrors - the Y chromosome, mitochondrial DNA and the autosomal genome. However, even such a three-dimensional display will still be incomplete if we do not turn from Europe as a whole to the faces of individual peoples - to the genetic ties of this or that people of Europe with the rest of the European world. Such consideration allows not only to see the place of this or that ethnic gene pool among its close and distant neighbors. It gives more - to see exactly how the general picture of the European gene pool is formed from individual puzzles. Perhaps this will allow us to discern the paths of history in the addition of this general picture. For this purpose, the Y-chromosome mirror is most useful: its information content is comparable to that of genome-wide autosomal panels, and the palette of the studied populations is incomparably richer.
The genetic portrait of individual peoples against the background of the entire European gene pool is best outlined genetic distance maps... They show how the gene pool of a given nation fits into the general panorama of the peoples of Europe. Based on the entire set of haplogroups, maps of genetic distances show for a given people how peculiar it is, with whom it is similar, from whom it differs, how far its genetic ties with other peoples of Europe and nearby regions extend.
Genetic distance maps are created like this. First, a series of maps is built - each haplogroup has its own map. Each map is a numerical matrix - a very dense grid that evenly covers the entire mapped area. The frequency of a given haplogroup at a given geographical point is recorded in each of the many grid points (on the maps provided, almost 200 thousand grid points cover the mapped territory). Then the group of populations of interest to us is selected (it is called the reference) - say, Poles - from which genetic distances to each node of the grid (including the area of \u200b\u200bthe Poles themselves) will be calculated. The average frequencies of haplogroups from Poles are also taken - and for each point in Europe, the genetic distance from these frequencies in Poles to frequencies at a given point on the map is calculated. These data are enough to calculate the genetic distance from the frequencies of haplogroups in Poles to the frequencies of haplogroups in every point of Europe. These genetic distances are mapped. Then we take Serbs as a reference population, for example, and repeat all the same actions with the maps. And we get a map of the genetic landscape, showing the degree of similarity of the Y-chromosomal gene pool of Serbs with the Y-chromosomal gene pool of each population of Europe. And so for any selected population - ethnos or subethnos.
However, what to do with the fact that different populations have been studied for different sets of haplogroups? Of course, when constructing genogeographic maps, interpolated values \u200b\u200bare calculated for each point of the map, even if there are few control points (directly studied populations). But if we want to describe the gene pool of all populations in a single panel of haplogroups in the most accurate way when constructing maps of genetic distances, then the panel of haplogroups begins to shrink like shagreen skin. Our team uses an extensive panel of SNP markers (44 main and 32 additional haplogroups, as well as 32 more “newest” haplogroups, as described in Section 1.3), and we studied most of the populations of Eastern Europe using this broad panel. But in order to evenly represent all corners of Europe on the maps of genetic distances, at this stage of the study of the European gene pool, this panel, unfortunately, we had to reduce to eight main European haplogroups - E1b-M35, G-M201, I1-M253, I2a-P37, J-M304, N1c-M178, R1a-M198, R1b-M269.
Further research and mass screening of European populations for the sub-branches of these haplogroups, which are discovered due to the complete sequencing of the Y chromosome, will gradually refine these maps. When reading any map, one must remember that this model was created for the amount of information available on a given time slice: both the array of populations and the panel of haplogroups are limited. Therefore, it is important to pay attention not to the details of the relief, but to the most general and stable structures of the genetic landscape.
Genetic distance maps can be built for all peoples of Europe. In this monograph, we will not present everything, but many - 36 maps of genetic distances from 36 ethnic groups and sub-ethnic groups of Europe, the most important for the rest of the book chapters. These 36 genetic landscapes are grouped into six series:
Episode 1: the peoples of northeastern Europe(Karelians and Vepsians, Estonians, Izhorsk Komi, Priluzian Komi, Lithuanians, Latvians, northern Russians, Finns);
Episode 2: East and West Slavs(central and southern Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Polesie Belarusians, Poles, Kashubians, Slovaks, Czechs, Sorbs) ;
Episode 3: Non-Slavic Peoples of Eastern Europe(Bashkirs, Kazan Tatars, Mishars, Chuvashs, Moksha and Erzya);
Episode 4: in the north of the Balkans(Moldovans, Romanians, Gagauz, Hungarians, Slovenes);
Episode 5: South Slavs(Macedonians, Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Herzegovina);
Episode 6: Framing Europe(Albanians, Swedes, Nogais).
5.1. PEOPLES OF NORTHEASTERN EUROPE (SERIESI)
This series includes eight maps of genetic distances - not only from the gene pools of ethnic groups (Karelians and Vepsians, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, and Finns), but also from individual sub-ethnic groups (Komi Izhma, Komi Priluz, Russian North). Almost all of these maps are united not only by the geographic region, but also by the similarity of the genetic landscape. At the same time, the linguistic affiliation of these peoples is striking in its diversity. There are also Western Finno-speaking peoples (the Baltic-Finnish branch of the Finno-Ugric languages) - Karelians, Estonians, Finns; and the eastern Finnish-speaking Komi (the Permian branch of the Finno-Ugric languages); and the Slavs - the northern Russians; and the Balts are Latvians and Lithuanians. And, nevertheless, their gene pools are in many ways similar. To make sure of this, consider the entire series of maps - eight maps of genetic distances from each of the eight reference gene pools (Fig. 5.2-5.9). And in order to see the differences between each of the eight maps from the generalized genetic landscape of North-Eastern Europe, we present the average map of genetic distances (Fig. 5.1). Such a generalized landscape was obtained as a result of simple arithmetic operations with the matrices of maps: summing all eight maps (for each point of the map, the values \u200b\u200bof eight maps of haplogroups at this point were summed up) and dividing the resulting summary map by eight.
MAPPING THE SIMILARITY WITH THE KAREL AND WEPS GENE POOL (Fig.5.2)
The main area of \u200b\u200bgene pools similar to the Karelians and Vepsians (when calculating the "reference" frequencies of Y-haplogroups, along with the data on the Karelians and Vepsians, a small sample of Izhorians was also taken into account) is geographically clearly delineated (Fig. 5.2). The most genetically close populations (that is, the genetic distances to them from the Karelians and Vepsians are the smallest) are colored with intense green tones. These are genetic distances in the interval 0 We find an important difference between the map of the genetic landscape of the Karelians and Vepsians from other maps of this series not in the east, but in the northwest. Here, the area of \u200b\u200bgenetic similarity with the Karelians and Vepsians does not know administrative boundaries and permeates the “yellow” corridor of populations that are genetically similar to the Karelians and Vepsians (0.05 It is worth noting that the group of "orange" intervals (genetic distances from the Karelians and Vepsians d≈0.2), showing populations genetically already distant, but still not entirely alien to the Karelian and Vepsian gene pool, covers a significant part of Fennoscandia, Eastern and Central Europe ... At the same time, Western and Southern Europe, the Ciscaucasia, the Caspian region and even the Trans-Urals are genetically as far as possible from the gene pools of the Karelians and Vepsians (intensely red tones). MAPPING THE SIMILARITY WITH THE ESTONIAN GENE POOL (Fig.5.3) Turning to the map of genetic distances from Estonians (Fig. 5.3), we see the same general regularities as on the map of distances from Karelians and Vepsians (Fig. 5.2). However, the area of \u200b\u200bgenetically closest populations colored with intense green tones (the smallest genetic distances from Estonians are in the interval 0 MAPPING THE SIMILARITY WITH THE KOMI-ZYRYAN GENE POOL (Fig. 5.4 and 5.5) The Komi populations are traditionally divided into two ethnic communities - the Komi-Zyryans and the Komi-Permians, although they have a common ethnonym, and the border between their dialects does not coincide with the administrative one. The more southern community is the Komi-Perm, who now live in the Perm region. A more northern community is the Komi-Zyryans living in the Komi Republic (they are often called simply Komi). The origins of the Komi formation date back to the 2nd millennium BC. at the confluence of the Oka and Kama with the Volga. In the course of the following centuries, the general area of \u200b\u200bthe Komi steadily expanded to the north, and under the pressure of Novgorod colonization shifted to the east. The Komi settled along the valleys of large rivers, assimilating various groups of the more ancient population - both the Baltic Finns and other Ural-speaking groups, as indicated by the toponymy data. Among the Komi-Zyryans, there are nine ethnographic groups. One of them is the Komi-Izhemtsy (Fig. 5.4), who live compactly in the Izhma region in the north of the Komi Republic (in the basin of the middle reaches of the Pechora and its tributaries) and, unlike other Komi groups, are engaged in nomadic reindeer husbandry, which they adopted from the Nenets ... The formation of the ethnographic group of Komi-Izhemtsy is attributed to the end of the 16th century - not only different groups of Komi (Vymsk, Udora) and northern Russians, but also the Nenets took part in its formation. Most of the Komi-Izhemtsy belong to the White Sea anthropological type. Another ethnographic group - the Priluzian Komi (Fig.5.5) - lives at the other - southern - end of the Komi-Zyryan range: in the very south of the Komi Republic in the Luza basin and in the upper Letka, where it borders on the Perm Territory and the Kirov Region. However, in spite of geography, economic and cultural type, and adaptive type (the Izhma Komi are classified as the Arctic adaptive type), the maps of genetic distances from both ethnographic groups of the Komi-Zyryans are surprisingly similar. A dark green area of \u200b\u200bminimum distances (most similar) between both Komi groups is highlighted. They are separated by the Russian population of the Krasnoborsk District of the Arkhangelsk Region, which sharply differs (orange tones) from them, as well as from the main array of northern Russian populations (Fig.5.8). The Komi show the greatest similarity with all other northern Russian populations (the brightest green tones on the map). This is especially clearly seen on the map of genetic distances from the Priluzian Komi (Fig. 5.5), which differ from the gene pool of their southern geographical neighbors and genetically clearly gravitate towards the northern, albeit geographically more distant, gene pools. However, let's not forget that such a genetic proximity of the southernmost and northernmost groups of the Komi may indicate the preservation of the unity of only the Y-chromosomal gene pool of the Komi: it is possible that wives were mainly taken from other ethnic groups, and the influx of male Y-chromosomes from them was small. The possibility of “gender asymmetry in marriages” must always be taken into account when we analyze only one of the homogeneous genetic systems - either the Y chromosome or mtDNA. With this exception - the shift of the smallest genetic distances (bright green) to the east and north - the area of \u200b\u200bgene pools genetically close to the Komi, colored in light green and yellow tones, is very similar to the landscape found above among the Karelians, Vepsians, and Estonians. This involuntarily brings to mind the works of paleoanthropologists [Khartanovich, 1991], who pointed out that, according to craniological data, the Komi-Zyryans gravitate towards the Karelians, and not towards the Komi-Permians. However, only a future detailed study of the gene pools of the entire diversity of the Komi-Zyryan and Komi-Permian populations (as well as the Komi-Yazvins, peculiar in their language) will allow us to accurately determine the degree of their genetic similarity both with each other and with other peoples of North-Eastern Europe and the Urals. MAPPING THE SIMILARITY WITH THE GENE POOLS OF LATS AND LITHUANIANS (Fig. 5.6 and 5.7) On the above considered four maps (Fig. 5.2 - 5.5), the “reference” gene pools from which the genetic distances were calculated were the populations of the Finno-Ugric peoples. Now we have maps of genetic distances from two Baltic-speaking peoples - Latvians (Fig. 5.6) and Lithuanians (Fig. 5.7). Linguistically, they no longer belong to the Ural family, but to the Indo-European one. However, despite such enormous linguistic differences, we again see the same genetic landscape, which does not even require additional description. It is closest to the genetic landscape of neighboring Estonians (Fig. 5.3). The only difference between these two landscapes is that the area of \u200b\u200bpopulations genetically close to the Baltic peoples narrows as much as possible in the northwest and northeast, remaining wide in the south and thus approaching the shape of a triangle. It is assumed that speakers of the Baltic languages \u200b\u200bwere previously distributed in a much wider area - from the northeast of modern Poland to the upper Volga, the Oka basin, the middle Dnieper and Pripyat. Therefore, the coincidence of the genetic landscapes of the Karelians, Vepsians, Komi, Estonians and Latvians allows us to raise the question of the reasons for this coincidence. There is a change in linguistic affiliation (either the Balts, or the Finno-Ugrians, or both), while maintaining a certain common ancient gene pool. Perhaps, there was some more ancient gene pool, the linguistic affiliation of which we do not even have hypotheses, and it was he who became the genetic substrate that still defines the landscape of the most diverse gene pools of Northeastern Europe? MAPPING THE SIMILARITY WITH THE GENE POOL OF NORTHERN RUSSIANS (Fig.5.8) These doubts and reflections are further strengthened by the map of genetic distances from the northern Russians (Fig. 5.8): the gene pool of the heirs of Novgorod Rus completely repeats all the above-described patterns. The genetic identity of northern Russian populations is well established. But it has become a habitual cliché to associate this peculiarity only with the Finno-Ugric substrate. Therefore, let us pay attention that the map of genetic distances from the northern Russians is still more similar to the genetic landscapes of the Balts - Latvians and Lithuanians, rather than Finnish-speaking peoples. This indicates that future studies of the paleoDNA of the Mesolithic and Neolithic populations can make adjustments to the usual interpretation of the genetic originality of the Russian North simply as a heritage of the gene pool of the Finnish-speaking population. Perhaps we will have the opportunity to see the connection between the gene pool of the Russian North and the Balts, who in turn inherited the gene pool of the ancient population of the periglacial zone of Eastern Europe. MAPPING THE SIMILARITY WITH THE FINN GENERAL POOL (Figure 5.9) The most peculiar map of this series - genetic distances from the "most Finnish-speaking" people - that is, from the Finns themselves (Fig. 5.9) - agrees with this call for caution in interpretations. Their genetic landscape is not similar to any of those considered: we do not see any similarity with the considered gene pools of Northeastern Europe at all. An area of \u200b\u200bsimilar values \u200b\u200bfits in Fennoscandia, and even then occupies only half of it: both the easternmost outskirts of Fennoscandia and the huge southwestern part of Norway and Sweden turned out to be genetically far from the Finn gene pool. And only the outlines of the orange region of genetically distant populations (but still not the most distant gene pools) repeat the outlines of the similarity zone on the other maps of this series. Such a pronounced originality of the Finnish genetic landscape is in contradiction with their close linguistic kinship with other peoples of the Baltic-Finnish group (formed historically recently - in the 1st millennium BC) and geographical position - the Finns naturally enter the region of North-Eastern Europe ... Traditionally, it is believed that the originality of the Finnish gene pool (expressed, among other things, in the presence of a special “Finnish” spectrum of hereditary diseases) is due to the fact that the population has gone through a demographic “bottleneck” that has led to powerful effects of gene drift. The Finns seemed to be on the periphery of both the Finno-Ugric and Scandinavian worlds. Let me remind you that at Andersen's, while searching for the palaces of the Snow Queen, the Lapland woman sends Gerda to the very end of the world - to the Finnish woman. There is nowhere further. So, a stable genetic landscape has been identified, which is typical for most of the peoples of North-Eastern Europe. But these peoples are not united by either belonging to a common language group, or belonging to a common region (the Finns undoubtedly belong to the same region, but their map is different). Then what unites them? Preservation (“conservation”) of the gene pool of the oldest population of the periglacial zone of Eastern Europe? The temptation to put forward such a hypothesis is great. After all, even if we exclude genetically sharply different (drifting?) Finns from the generalized map of the genetic landscape, and rebuild the map from a series of seven maps (Fig. 5.10), we will get the same stable genetic landscape of Northeastern Europe (as on Fig. 5.1), only colored in even brighter tones of small genetic differences. It is this area that can be considered a typical, standard, "reference" genetic landscape of the indigenous population of North-Eastern Europe. Anyone, even superficially familiar with genogeography, will immediately say: these maps are united by a haplogroup N1c-M178... Yes, it is its high frequencies that are characteristic of all the considered gene pools, and the range of these high frequencies forms an arc curved to the north from the Baltic to the Urals. But its frequency is especially high among the Finns (more than half of the gene pool), and the originality of the Finnish genetic landscape is largely due to the increased frequency of this haplogroup. Other peoples of northern Eastern Europe have frequencies N1c-M178 more moderate. But let's not forget that the cards are not built one at a time. N1c-M178, but according to data on the entire set of major European haplogroups, the frequencies of which vary significantly within North-Eastern Europe. Therefore, the identified areas of similarity and their features are determined not only by the haplogroup N1c, and the entire Y-chromosomal gene pool. But still, the role of this North Eurasian haplogroup is especially great. Therefore, an in-depth study of it will allow you to continue the story told in this section. Continuations will not be long: a genome-wide study of the Y-chromosome has already made it possible to isolate haplogroups in the Eurasian area N1cat least eight geographically confined branches, which have already been screened for a number of populations in Eurasia. As soon as the number and spectrum of populations in Europe, for which the frequencies of new branches of the haplogroup are determined N1cwill reach a reliable level for creating full-fledged maps of genetic distances, we will update this series of maps, including maps of new branches in the spectrum of analyzed haplogroups N1c and then, I hope, we will be able to distinguish different migration flows in the genetic landscape of North-Eastern Europe. Indigenous peoples of the Far East: economy, life, culture Ethnically, the territory of settlement of the Far Eastern aborigines represented several large areas, each of which has its own specifics, due to the geographical environment, the process of historical development of peoples, their belonging to a particular language group, the production activities of peoples and relationships. The extreme North-East of Asia - the Chukotka-Kamchatka ethnographic region - is inhabited by the Chukchi (self-name - chavchu); Eskimos (self-name - Innuit); Koryak (self-name - namylan, chauch), Itelmens (Kamchadals), Aleuts (Unchan). The formation of these peoples, according to sources, began during the protracted Neolithic period. Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens are the autochthonous population of Chukotka and Kamchatka. Their ancestors - the natives of the Far Northeast - were continental hunters for wild deer, and also hunted sea animals and were engaged in fishing. Interethnic and intra-ethnic relations were poorly developed. At the beginning of the new era, the Eskimos appeared in the Far North-East with their specialized culture of marine hunting. They influenced production activities, culture and language of the Chukchi and Koryaks. In turn, the language of the Eskimos has absorbed a significant amount of the Chukchi-Kamchatka vocabulary. According to IS Vdovin, with the emergence of the Eskimos, conditions appeared for the gradual development of the exchange of products of the marine hunting industry for products of land hunting and reindeer husbandry. By the beginning of the XVII century. socially, the peoples of the Far North-East were at the stage of the primitive communal system. By language, they belonged to the Paleo-Asian and Eskimo-Aleutian groups. By the end of the 17th century. the population of the Far North-East, according to I.S.Gurvich, B.O.Dolgikh, was 40 thousand people. The economic activity of the peoples of the Far North-East was of a complex nature. Thus, the marine hunting of the Eskimos and Chukchi was combined with hunting, fishing and gathering, and fishing, the leading branch of the coastal Koryak economy, was combined with marine hunting. Shepherd's reindeer husbandry coexisted with hunting wild reindeer. The main occupation of the Itelmens was fishing, their subsidiary occupation was land and sea hunting, gathering. The Aleuts were engaged in sea hunting. The taiga-tundra regions of the Okhotsk coast, northeast Asia and the north of the Amur region were the place of residence of the Evens (Lamuts, self-name - Even, Oroch), Evenks (old name - Tungus), Yukaghirs (self-name - Odul), who were also at the stage of primitive communal system ... The languages \u200b\u200bspoken by these peoples belong to the Tungus language group. The ethnogenesis of the Yukaghirs, Evens and Evenks (Tungus) is complex. Many researchers of Siberia regard the Yukaghirs as direct descendants of the most ancient aboriginal population of the north of the Far East - continental hunters for northern wild deer and fishermen. According to I.S. Gurvich, the Yukaghir tribes, with all their isolation, contacted the northeastern Paleo-Asian, Tungus-speaking peoples and themselves took part in their ethnogenesis. In the middle of the 17th century. in the north of the Far East three Yukaghir tribes lived - the Khodynians, the Chuvans, the Anauls. The autochthonous tribes of Siberia took part in the ethnogenesis of the Tungus (Evens and Evenks). A.P. Okladnikov, G.M. Vasilevich believe that once the distant ancestors of the northern Tungus lived near Lake Baikal. From the south and southeast in the Baikal region came the Turkic, Mongol, Manchu tribes, which mixed with the local population and, probably, gave rise to the Evens and Evenks. Later, the ancient Tunguses began to migrate both west and east up to the Okhotsk coast. However, according to the researchers, ethnic characteristics that make it possible to distinguish the Evens from the Evenks developed after the arrival of the Russians in Siberia. By the middle of the 17th century. the number of Evens and Evenks amounted to 8.4 thousand people. All these nationalities led a nomadic lifestyle. They were divided according to the type of management on foot and reindeer. For the former, fishing, gathering and hunting were of paramount importance in the economy. The latter were engaged in distant reindeer herding and hunting for wild deer. They also had a few herds of domesticated deer, which they used as transport animals. The third large ethnographic region, the Amur-Sakhalin region, covers the Amur region, Primorye, and Sakhalin. These are the areas of residence of the Nanai (self-name - Nani, formerly - Goldy), Ulchi (self-name - Olchi), Udege (Ude, Udege), Oroch (self-name - Nani), Oroks (old name - Ulta), Negidal (self-name - Elkan, Beyenian ), Nivkhs (the old name is Gilyaks), Ainu. There is no consensus among researchers about the ethnogenesis of the peoples of the Amur Region and Sakhalin. Is not it. Schrenk argued that the Nivkhs were the original inhabitants of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin, and their Tungus-speaking neighbors - the Ulchi, Oroks, Nanai - were very late newcomers who borrowed from the Nivkhs the basic methods of economic activity and forms of life. In turn, the Tungus-speaking groups, according to L.I. Shrenk, had a great influence on the Nivkhs. L. Ya. Sternberg, having studied the Tungus-speaking peoples, came to the conclusion that the Ulchi, Nanai, Orochi and Oroks are representatives of a single tribe (nationality). Based on the analysis of the similarity in some elements of the dwellings of the Nivkhs and the peoples of Northeast Asia, it was concluded that the ancestors of the Nivkhs came from more northern regions. A.P. Okladnikov believed that already in the Neolithic, the culture of the ancestors of modern Nanai, Ulchi and Nivkhs began to take shape on the Amur and Sakhalin. According to A.P. Derevianko, at the beginning of the new era, the agricultural population of Mohe had a great influence on the peoples of the lower Amur, exchange relations developed between them. All these nationalities were at the stage of disintegration of tribal relations. Inhabitants of the south of the Far East in the Neolithic period, judging by the archaeological data, led a sedentary lifestyle. Fishing was the basis of their economy. During the early Iron Age, the population of the middle and upper Amur had already switched to agriculture. Agriculture was combined with hunting and, possibly, reindeer husbandry, which led to the penetration of the Tungus tribes into the Amur valley. Among the Nivkhs, such crafts as blacksmithing, boating, rope weaving, dressing of animal skins and fish skin reached a fairly high level of development. The Nanai achieved great skill in the construction of boats, in the manufacture of various types of sledges, skis, etc. The products of the Nanai from birch bark were distinguished by their high artistic merit. The Orochi have long known about metal casting. Apart from fishing and hunting, the Ainu were engaged in ocean fishing. Agriculture was mainly developed among duchers and daurs. Agricultural products provided the needs for bread, cereals and flour. Some of them were exchanged. In addition to agriculture, the Daurs were engaged in horse breeding and hunting. Horses were used for riding. Crafts were also known to the Dauram. They sawed logs and beams, built dwellings and made boats, weaved ropes and ropes from nettles, knew how to work metal. In essence, the economy of all the peoples of the south of the Far East was complex, semi-natural in character. The Aborigines of the southern part of the Far East actively developed interethnic contacts. Nivkhs, Ulchi, Nanais were engaged in the exchange of raw materials and local products. In the process of communication, interethnic marriages were concluded. For example, the Ulchi had clans of Nivkh, Nanai, Negidal origin, and among the Nanai clans of Ulchi, Nivkh, etc. In linguistic terms, most of these peoples belonged to the Tungus-Manchu language group, the Nivkhs to the Paleo-Asian language group. In the documents of the pioneers of the 17th century. mentions the Daurs, Duchers, who were at a higher stage of social development, led a sedentary lifestyle, experienced a strong cultural influence from the Manchus and Chinese. The language of the Ducher was close to the Tungus-Manchu language, and the Daurov - to the Mongolian. The centuries-old history of indigenous peoples is complex. Despite all the difficulties of life in the harsh climatic conditions of the Far East, the aborigines managed to create a rich material culture. The material culture of the aborigines was maximally adapted to the harsh geographical conditions of the region, the nature of production activities, taking into account those materials, means, products that nature gave them the required amount: taiga, rivers, ocean. Tools and means of transportation corresponded to traditional occupations. The Eskimos and the sedentary Chukchi had a lot in common with the tools of the marine hunting trade and the means of transportation at sea. To hunt cetaceans, walruses, seals, the Eskimos and Chukchi used a rotary harpoon. In addition to this device, the Koryaks used non-rotating tips made of bone with symmetrically located barbs. They were also used when hunting small pinnipeds. To catch seals, the Chukchi and Eskimos used nets made of thin belts. Land hunting tools were rather uniform among all the peoples of this region: bows, spears, arrows with stone, iron, bone points of various shapes and purposes; spears, darts, belt loops. Fishing tools and means - locks, muzzles, spears, hooks, etc. The main means of transportation on the sea for the Eskimos, Chukchi, Aleuts were canoes and kayaks. Petroglyphs of Pegtymel show you how canoes are used when hunting sea mammals, and kayaks when hunting wild deer on river crossings. The Itelmens and Koryaks used bat boats, hollowed out of a solid log, to sail along rivers and in bays. The sedentary population - the Koryaks, Chukchi, Eskimos and Itelmen - used deer, dog teams, various types of sleds (for cars, for transporting goods, children), walking sticks as transport. The Yukaghirs hunted the land animal with a bow and arrow. In fishing on rivers, lakes, in bays, they used a variety of tackle: rides with muzzles, hooks, stockings, horsehair nets, hooks, etc. The Evens and Evenks used sledges to transport them, into which the nomads harnessed reindeer. For the Yukaghirs, rafts, light birch bark shuttles, dugouts served as a means of transportation in the summer along the rivers, in winter - walking camus skis, similar to the Chukchi ones, and sledges, into which the dogs were harnessed in a train. The natives of the south of the Far East - the Nanais, Ulchi, and Nivkhs - used hooks, strings, nets made of wild hemp and nettles in fishing. Large fish and sea animals were caught with harpoons. Ainu used harpoons with detachable bone or iron tips to catch large fish. Seines - tools of collective fishing - appeared relatively late, when fish began to be caught for sale. Tesla, which served as an ax, were widespread among the aborigines. With their help, wood, bone, walrus tusk were processed. Russian explorer of Kamchatka S.P. Krasheninnikov noted that even in the middle of the XVII century. the natives of Kamchatka made their instruments of labor - axes, knives, spears, arrows, needles - from deer and whale bones and stone. They hammered boats, bowls, troughs and so on with axes. At the same time, as shown by archaeological excavations in the Sarychev Bay, the aborigines of Northeast Asia were familiar with iron in the 1st millennium AD. e. But the widespread use of iron tools became possible only with the arrival of the Russians. The natural conditions in which the Far Eastern aborigines lived, and their economic activities, determined the nature of the settlements, the type of dwelling, everyday life, and clothing. Archaeologists have found that only those peoples who were sedentary and were engaged mainly in fishing or marine hunting were permanent settlements. At the same time, among the sedentary peoples - the Eskimos, coastal Koryaks, Nivkhs, Ulchi, Nanai - there were both permanent settlements and temporary ones - commercial, seasonal. The nomadic peoples (Chukchi, Koryaks), who were engaged in taiga hunting and reindeer herding, did not have permanent villages. The main settlements were winter. Some settlements of the Eskimos and sedentary Chukchi have been in one place for tens or even hundreds of years. In the summer the Itelmens lived in temporary villages, where they were engaged in fishing, and in the winter they moved to settlements consisting of dugouts. For the majority of the settled population of the Amur, the main life was concentrated in winter settlements, where there were barns, as well as summer dwellings. The types of dwellings were varied. In Kamchatka and Chukotka, semi-dugouts with an entrance through a smoke hole in the roof were widespread. Such dwellings in the XVIII century. remained among the Itelmens and Koryaks, several related families lived in them. Reindeer Chukchi and Koryaks had a portable yaranga (yurt), in which they lived all year round. It was a multifaceted frame with wooden supports and a roof. Sometimes a canopy made of poles covered with reindeer skins was attached to the Koryak winter dwelling. In the summer, the Itelmens moved to the booth - these are round or quadrangular double buildings resting on nine or twelve pillars. The Aleuts lived in dugouts, and in the summer they settled in above-ground dwellings. The Yukaghirs lived in large settlements - forts in dugouts, in the summer they moved to felled rectangular buildings. The winter dwelling of the nomadic Evens was a portable conical tent. For sedentary groups, a log house or a semi-dugout with a hearth made of poles coated with clay served as a winter dwelling. The sedentary Nanai, Ulchi, Oroch, "grassroots" Negidals and Nivkhs had a permanent dwelling in the 17th – 18th centuries. was a building in the form of an ordinary house with pole frames, a roof, an earthen floor, with canal heating. Summer dwellings for each nation differed in shape and design. For example, Daurs lived in settlements (of 60–70 frame-type houses). The buildings resembled the terrestrial dwellings of the peoples of the Amur region and Manchuria. Villages (fortresses-towns) were surrounded by earthen ramparts, walls. Fields and grazing areas were located around them. In the XVIII-XIX centuries. the peoples of the Far East gradually mastered the technique of Russian log house building. Russian stoves appeared, and bunks or beds were installed in place of the Kans. Russian hut by the beginning of the XX century. became the main type of housing. The clothing of the peoples of the Far East was formed in ancient times and has changed over the centuries. The nature and type of clothing of the aborigines was influenced by climatic conditions, fishing activities of the peoples. The peoples of the North-East of Asia used the deaf clothes of the North-East type. The men's winter clothing was a short double kuhlyanka. Koryaks and Itelmens wore kukhlyankas with a hood and a small bib sewn to the front of the collar. Among the Aleuts, winter clothing made of bird skins (parks) was widespread. In the summer, they wore worn-out winter clothes, and also sewed special summer clothes from thick smoke, rovduga (suede), intestines of sea animals, bird skins. The clothes of the Evens, Evenks, Yukaghirs were of a swing type and cut and had two variants of the cut of the caftan: it was sewn from skins, less often from rovduga; under the caftan in winter they put on a second one, sewn with fur inside; he also served as summer clothes. The Yukaghirs sewed their clothes from dressed deer skins; had armor, kuyaks and helmets made of bone plates. The Nanais, Ulchi, Nivkhs, Oroks, and Udygs wore zapashny clothes with a doubled left hem. They sewed clothes from cloth, suede, fish skin. The winter clothes of the Ainu are robes made of cloth, animal skins or moose skin. In the summer, the Ainu wore headbands, and in the winter, fur hats. Festive clothes did not differ in cut from everyday ones, but they were abundantly decorated with embroidery, appliqués, fur mosaics, and beads. The Koryaks sewed fringes and tassels from a thin white mandarka, sewn with colored beads, appliqués in the form of strips with teeth cut out of the mandarka on festive clothes. The Itelmens sewed festive parkas from sable, deer or dog fur, and decorated the fur with decorative stripes. During the celebrations, the Aleuts wore a new parka, richly decorated with fur straps. The food of the Far Eastern peoples was also varied. The main food of polar hunters - Eskimos, coastal Chukchi and Koryaks - is walrus, seal and whale meat in various forms (ice cream, boiled, dried). Whale skin was eaten raw; venison was highly prized. Vegetable food, seaweed, and molluscs were used as spices. The main food of the Itelmens was fish - “Kamchatka bread”. They ate dried fish (yukola), smoked and pickled. Russian traveler V. M. Golovnin noted that “Kamchadals seldom salt fish. A small part is smoked, the rest is air-dried or fermented; that is, they put fresh fish in a hole and bury it with earth, where it spoils and rots. Such an abomination is called sour fish here, but Kamchadals are extremely fond of sour fish. " The Evens and Evenks mainly ate the meat of deer and elk, which was prepared by drying in the sun in a finely chopped form. A soup with the addition of blood was prepared in meat broth. Sausage was made from intestines, yukon was made from dried fish, and flour was made from dried fish. In summer, they consumed large quantities of reindeer milk, berries, wild garlic, and onions. The main drink is tea with reindeer milk and salt. Food among the population of the southern part of the Far East was mainly fish. They ate fish in different forms: boiled, raw, canned. Soups made from fresh or dried fish, as well as from meat, were prepared with a variety of spices - wild herbs and roots. A lot of fish oil was added to a dish made from purchased products (cereals, pasta, noodles). It was also eaten with berries, which were used in large quantities in salads, mainly from fish and various roots. Tea was brewed from chaga, lingonberry leaves, mint, wild rosemary shoots, etc. The centuries-old experience of the life of the indigenous peoples of the Far East is reflected in the spiritual culture. As creators of a unique spiritual culture and original applied art, they made an invaluable contribution to the treasury of world culture. Folklore took a significant place in spiritual life: myths, fairy tales, legends. All the peoples of the Far North had a myth about a cultural hero - the Creator Crow. In Chukchi folklore, Raven's main feat is the acquisition of light. Raven stole the Sun from evil spirits, created mountains, rivers, people and animals, using seal bones, chips, grass and flint as material. In the Eskimo myths there are stories about the creation of the land Raven. In the Koryak-Itelmen myths, much attention is paid to the family life of Raven: usually his wife, brother, sister, as well as children and grandchildren appear. Heroic legends among the peoples of the Far North-East arose in the era of the disintegration of the clan system and the beginning of the stratification of primitive society. The main character of heroic legends is a wolf-hunter, distinguished by his physical strength and ingenuity. The basis of many heroic legends was the true historical events: major clashes, internecine enmity of individual communities and families. So, in the Chukchi tales, the opponents are the Koryaks, in the Koryak tales - the Chukchi. In Itelmen folklore, there is a single cycle of legends about the hero Tylval. The peoples of the south of the Far East have cosmogonic, totemic and other myths. Cosmogonic myths tell about the origin of the universe. For example, the myths of the peoples of the Amur region tell about the participation of the Swan and the Eagle in the creation of the world. Totemic myths tell about the relationship of man with an animal, which then becomes the patron saint of the genus. Thus, the Orochi and Nanai considered the tiger as their ancestor, and the Nivkhs as the bear. They all believed that animals, if they wanted, could always take off their skins and become humans. Folk decorative arts played an important role in the life and everyday life of the aborigines. It reflected not only the original aesthetic world outlook of peoples, but also social life, the level of economic development and interethnic, intertribal ties. The traditional decorative arts of nationalities have deep roots in the land of their ancestors. A vivid evidence of this is the monument of the most ancient culture - petroglyphs (scribble drawings) on the rocks of Sikachi-Alyan. The art of Tungus-Manchus and Nivkhs reflected the environment, aspirations, creative imagination of hunters, fishermen, gatherers of herbs and roots. The original art of the peoples of the Amur and Sakhalin has always admired those who first came into contact with it. The Russian scientist L.I.Shrenk was very impressed by the ability of the Nivkhs (Gilyaks) to make handicrafts from various metals, to decorate their weapons with figures of red copper, brass, and silver. An important place in the art of the Tungus-Manchus, Nivkhs was occupied by cult sculpture, the material for which was wood, iron, silver, grass, straw in combination with beads, beads, ribbons, and fur. Researchers note that only the Amur and Sakhalin peoples were able to make amazingly beautiful applications on fish skin, paint birch bark, wood. The art of the Chukchi, Eskimos, Koryaks, Itelmens, Aleuts reflects the life of a hunter, sea hunter, tundra reindeer breeder. Over the course of many centuries, they have achieved perfection in walrus bone carving, carving on bone plates depicting dwellings, boats, animals, and scenes of hunting sea animals. The famous Russian explorer of Kamchatka, academician S. P. Krasheninnikov, admiring the skill of the ancient peoples, wrote: “Of all the work of these other peoples, which they do very cleanly with stone knives and axes, nothing was more surprising to me than a chain of walrus bones ... consisted of rings, the smoothness of chiseled ones, and was made of one tooth; her upper rings were larger, the lower ones were smaller, and her length was slightly less than half-arshin. I can safely say that in terms of the purity of work and art, no one would have considered another for the works of the wild Chukchi and for a stone instrument. " Throughout the entire historical development of the peoples of the Far East, their songs were formed. The most ancient layers of musical culture are manifested in the "bear holiday" of the peoples of the south of the Far East. The protagonist of the songs and tales of the Yukaghirs was an intelligent and brave hare. Folklore - legends, myths, traditions - kept the norms of law, ethics and morality. Traditions of musical art were passed from generation to generation. The most widespread is a circular dance, a round dance. The performance of songs and dances was accompanied by the music of the Worgan. The holidays ended with massive games, during which they competed in wrestling, running, and archery. A very important place in the culture of the aborigines belonged to the dance art. Among the Eskimos, Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens, game dances were widely practiced. Ritual dances were of a magical nature, dedicated to the end of the hunt or seeing off the souls of killed sea animals in the sea, or a solemn meeting of the harvested sea animals. They were performed by older women to the accompaniment of a tambourine or singing. The performers, dancing, imitated the habits of animals, tried to "appease", to amuse him. Evenks and Evens have special dances. Round dances were widespread among them, which moved in a vicious circle, in the course of the Sun, to the singing of the performers themselves. Consequences of Russian colonization The inclusion of indigenous peoples in the Russian state was of particular importance for the historical development of the indigenous population. Constant contacts with Russian people led to various changes in the life of the indigenous population. This process was progressive, but difficult. Gradually the involvement of the semi-subsistence economy of the aborigines in the all-Russian economy brought the Far Eastern peoples out of their primitive isolation and isolation. Under the influence of the Russian population, some of the aboriginal groups began to engage in gardening and livestock raising, which were mostly natural. Many groups of the indigenous population gradually switched from reindeer husbandry, hunting and fishing to hunting for fur animals and trade in fur in exchange for manufactured goods and European products, others, changing the nature of reindeer husbandry, switched from small-herb to large-herb. In the XIX - early XX centuries. farms of the indigenous population were drawn into the sphere of capitalist production. Fur is gaining market value, and products of reindeer husbandry, fishing, and marine animal hunting were partly introduced to the market. The emergence of commodity-money relations contributed to the decomposition of the patriarchal-clan system among the indigenous peoples. The custom of dividing large meat production, the most valuable hunting products (for example, antlers), gradually disappeared. Private ownership of fishery products was extended; even the members of the same family acquired personal property: husband, wife, children. By the beginning of the XX century. national communities split into rich and poor. Individual representatives of the wealthy elite moved to cities, breaking with their national environment. Ancient customs, norms of customary law, and traditions were driven out of the indigenous population by private ownership interests. However, this process had its own characteristics among different peoples. Among the Nanai and Ulchi, the clan organization disintegrated by the middle of the 19th century. For the Nivkhs, this process was slower. The least changes affected the aborigines of the northern territories - the Koryaks, Chukchi, Evens and others. Social transformations in their midst were restrained by the continued isolation from the rest of the world, by inconstant contacts with Russian, Japanese and American merchants and industrialists. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. increased migration, mixing of the population both within one group and between different ethnic groups. In general, from the 17th to the beginning of the 20th century. The ethnographic map of the region has significantly changed and become more complex: the territories of groups engaged mainly in appropriating industries (Koryaks, Eskimos, Itelmens) have decreased and, on the contrary, reindeer herders (Evens, Evenks) have significantly expanded their territories. The annexation of the Far Eastern lands to Russia also had negative aspects. The fiscal policy of tsarism, to a certain extent, contributed to the conservation of archaic social relations, doomed the natives to harsh exploitation and material vegetation. Unbearable yasak, lack of medical care, unsanitary living conditions, abuses by the administration, oppression by merchants and Cossacks gave rise to the desire of the aborigines to free themselves from the oppression of the alien Russian population. In the XVIII - early XX century. there were several major clashes between indigenous peoples and Russian explorers. The most serious clashes took place on the Okhotsk coast, Kamchatka, Chukotka. The Chukchi were the most stubborn in their struggle. The unbridled robbery of Russian and foreign entrepreneurs affected the state of the economy of the indigenous peoples of the Far East. The number of sea game animals, valuable fur animals, valuable fish species has sharply decreased. The indigenous population was shamelessly exploited by both Russian merchants and industrialists, as well as their own. For furs and fish they paid with goods of the lowest quality; trading operations were often accompanied by the drinking of vodka by the natives. As a result of the decline of the traditional economy, there was a shortage of food, and the death rate of the indigenous population from hunger, measles and smallpox epidemics increased sharply. So, according to academician L.I.Shrenk, in the 1850s. 5,216 Gilyaks (Nivkhs) lived in the Amur region, and the 1897 census registered only 4,642 people. Such a difficult situation for the aborigines remained at the beginning of the twentieth century. The widespread prevalence of previously unknown diseases, massive alcoholism led to high mortality, mental and physical degeneration. Aboriginal farming opportunities were further reduced due to the seizure and redistribution of land in favor of Russian and foreign entrepreneurs, and the commercial exploitation of the indigenous population. The indigenous population, unable to live at the expense of the primordial crafts, had to master new occupations: to work for hire in catching and salting fish, harvesting hay and firewood, in construction. In the mines and goldfields of the Amur region, Sakhalin there were workers from among the indigenous inhabitants. State policy towards indigenous peoplesOf the Far East The Far East attracted the tsarist government of Russia as a territory for the implementation of the resettlement policy, while it tried to prevent the negative impact of Russians on the indigenous peoples of Siberia and the Far East. In 1822, the Charter on the management of foreigners was adopted. It attempted to legally define the position of the indigenous population. The charter was imbued with the desire to preserve not only economic well-being, but also the original order of life. The government, despite all the measures, failed to legalize the flow of Russian colonization of the North, the Far East, which invaded deep into the land, constantly violating the rights of foreigners. In 1892, a new regulation on foreigners was adopted, which was in effect until 1917. According to this law, a department of elders was established in the Amur region, subordinate to police or volost departments. By 1916, a special "Regulation on the management of foreigners of the Amur region" was adopted and began to operate, developed with the direct participation of the Amur Governor-General NL Gondatti. According to this "Provision", most of the peoples of the south of the Far East were equated with the peasant class. However, the measures taken by the tsarist government did not have the desired result due to their unsystematic, episodic nature, as well as the fault of the local authorities, who bypassed all decisions. At the same time, the indigenous peoples, as castles of the empire, were subjected to destructive manifestations of the policy of indifferent, passive attitude of the authorities in relation to raising the standard of living, their state of health, literacy, and maintaining the national culture. The situation that developed in the country during the First World War, the revolution and the civil war and foreign intervention that followed, aggravated the situation of the indigenous peoples. The threat of the country's collapse due to the claims of the interventionists and the fierce struggle of internal socio-political forces hurt the economy of the aboriginal areas. The fishing industry was in crisis, there were no connections with the southern regions, the trade in furs and timber fell and, as a result, the population decreased. The process of extinction of indigenous peoples was halted only in the 1920s. under Soviet rule. The most important feature of the state policy of the Soviet government of power in relation to the indigenous peoples was that, in contrast to the policy of the tsarist government, it was carried out not only to save these peoples from extinction, but mainly to qualitatively change their culture, way of life, and way of life. In a short time they were supposed to become full-fledged and full-fledged citizens of the country. The country required huge natural resources for reconstruction and construction. The attention of the state was focused on the eastern regions. Mineral resources, timber, furs, fish, water resources - all these riches were hidden in the Far Eastern land. Back in the years of the Civil War, the Committee for the Study of Natural Resources was created in Moscow, which in the 1920s. launched a wide range of activities in Siberia and the Far East. In his work, he faced the problem of the condition of the aboriginal population. Numerous expeditions to places of residence of northern peoples in the early 1920s. revealed a terrifying picture. Due to the military and political events of 1917-1922. these peoples were on the verge of extinction, so the Committee for the Study of Natural Resources in the 1920s. took a number of measures aimed at supporting the life of the northerners. Often this was expressed in the free supply of food, weapons, ammunition, and the provision of reindeer for use. Many areas of fishing and hunting grounds were returned to the peoples. They were exempted from state and local taxes. In 1924, under the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Committee for Assistance to the Nationalities of the Northern Borders was created, which began to deal with the problems of the indigenous peoples of the USSR. Local committees were soon established. In 1926, the Far Eastern Committee of the North was established under the Dalkrai Executive Committee under the leadership of an outstanding organizer and scientist K. Ya. Lux. The inhabitants of the Amur region, Chukotka and Kamchatka called him the head of the "Big Committee". The main task of the activities of the central and local committees was to study the life of indigenous peoples and to help them in the new social relations. These institutions organically fit into the created management system. In the second half of the 1920s. the policy of lending and pricing in relation to indigenous people has changed. Local products of the crafts were sold, the purchasing power of the local population grew. Cooperative forms of management arose. In 1927, about 70 seasonal fishing cooperatives were registered in the lower reaches of the Amur. These were the simplest partnerships based on collective labor, connected with state and cooperative organizations by supply and marketing relations. There were no hard limits on fish catch for own consumption. At this time, marine hunting was of great importance. In 1927, 800 bearded seals, 2205 seals, and 927 beluga whales were caught in the Amur estuary. At the same time, local residents handed over 1/5 of the production to the state and cooperative enterprises, and used the rest on their farms. Thus, by the end of the 1920s. the economic position of the Nivkhs has significantly improved due to the expansion of the ability to use natural resources for traditional use. During this period, many Nivkh families got acquainted with animal husbandry, the sale of livestock for them was carried out on preferential terms. In 1927-1928. 40% of the Nivkh farms had horses, 16.7% - cattle, 20% - poultry, 82.7% - dogs. Gardening also developed. In 1924, 30% of the households had vegetable gardens. However, a number of factors hindered the modernization of farms. These include tribal relations, lack of general culture, remoteness of places of residence. To overcome them, the Committee of the North took organizational, political and administrative measures. During 1927-1936. according to his decision, 18 northern cultural bases were built, including 4 in the Far East. They were intended to solve pressing life problems, to serve the needs of the population. The cultural base included a complex of social, economic and cultural institutions: a shop, a school, a hospital, a bathhouse, a native's House (something between a club and a hotel). The peculiarities of the socio-economic development of the peoples of the Far East, their living conditions (scale of territory, small population, remoteness from the centers of the country), the nature of their crafts gave rise to the tradition of free use of fishing grounds. The exchange of local products also contributed to interethnic ties. However, the peculiarities of the life and culture of the indigenous peoples contradicted the policy of the forced construction of socialism, which had been carried out in the country since the late 1920s. - early 1930s. As a result, the indigenous peoples experienced the negative consequences of industrialization and collectivization, which were exacerbated by the state's ill-conceived national policy. There is an opinion that in the conditions of industrial development of the Far East, national traditions, way of life, customs, economy of small peoples, in principle, could not survive. The first blow to the fragile ethnosocial environment of the peoples of the Far East was struck in the 1930s – 1950s. XX century, when collectivization began among them. The creation of collective and state farms was supported by financial support from the state. The first agricultural cartels appeared in 1928. By 1930, there were already several dozen fishing and hunting collective farms among the indigenous population of the Far East. The basis for collectivization was the decisions of the party and state bodies. They largely did not take into account the specifics of the position of the indigenous peoples of the North, were distinguished by formalism and ill-conceived. The Dalkrai Executive Committee decided to carry out collectivization among the ethnic groups of the North within the framework of a tough political course in 1931. Although the rates of collectivization were different for the territories, the indigenous inhabitants of the Amur region were covered by collectivization by 95% already in 1934. This indicator testified to the massive compulsion of residents to enroll in collective farms ... Historians are aware of documents testifying to the weak attempt of the ruling elite to justify excesses in the dispossession of kulaks, to find the real culprits of violence against the people. Also since the late 1980s. materials about illegal repressions of citizens became public. "Enemies of the people" were also found among the Far Eastern peoples, hundreds of people were thrown into the NKVD camps. But there was nothing to justify the threat of starvation. The country was going through the hard consequences of collectivization. There was a gradual ousting of the indigenous peoples of the North from traditional forms of management: hunting, fishing, marine animal hunting. A special role in economic transformations in the Far East (?) Was assigned to Integral Cooperation (Integralsoyuz), created in 1926 to supply and market products, promote fishing, and provide loans to the indigenous population. An analysis of its activities showed that excessive attention to the fishing national regions for the procurement of furs and valuable species of fish, low purchase prices forced hunters to predatory destroy fur-bearing animals in order to ensure their existence. Socialist competition, overfulfilment of plans led to the undermining of biological resources, did not ensure the reproduction of fish stocks, fur and sea animals. This was especially typical for the traders of the Khabarovsk and Nizhne-Amur regions. In this regard, the activities of Integral Cooperation in 1938 was terminated. Only from the second half of the 1930s. positive changes began to emerge. Along with traditional crafts (hunting, fishing, reindeer husbandry), collective farms began to engage in vegetable farming, cage farming, and beekeeping. With the aim of mechanizing traditional trades, motor-fishing stations, marine animal-hunting stations, and marine animal processing plants were opened, which played the role of MTS in agricultural collective farms. But it was not possible to overcome the deepest consequences of complete collectivization. In 1935. an independent economic unit was created - Sredne Amursky Rybaksoyuz. It united 48 fishing collective farms, geographically located in two districts (Komsomolsk and Nanaisky) with a total length of 500 km along the banks of the river. Amur. Collective farms were created locally, that is, camps for the traditional use of natural resources by the indigenous population. Moreover, the number of collective farmers was constantly increasing, and the planned targets for catching fish from year to year grew significantly, despite the fact that during its entire existence Rybaksoyuz never coped with the task set before it. Simultaneously with collectivization, a number of settlements were liquidated, and sometimes forcibly relocated to unsuccessfully located villages. A unified approach began to be implemented, the peculiarities of the cultures, customs, and way of life of indigenous peoples were not taken into account at all. This policy led to the destruction of people's ties with the traditional economic system, to the loss of the national and cultural identity of peoples, to their forced inclusion in another way of life, alien to them. After World War II, the remaining population was resettled in enlarged collective farms; in some localities the national and Russian collective farms were merged. In the 1950s – 1960s. the life of indigenous people began to improve due to changes in the material and technical support of collective farms, but the process of resettlement from traditional villages to enlarged settlements continued until the end of the 1970s. The separation from the native soil (native village) of many families, their resettlement to new places led to the rapid destruction of the national culture. In the 1960s. With the organization of industrial farms, the alienation of the aborigines from the hunting economy began. This process especially strongly influenced the life of the Negidals, for whom hunting has always played an important role. They were gradually replaced by alien hunters from the lands. At the same time, some of the conclusions of scientists regarding the negative consequences of resettlement and the ability of the hunting resource base to ensure the sustainable development of the fishery without the threat of extinction from hunger remain controversial. Habitat of the indigenous peoples of the North by 1950–1970. has been significantly transformed; the population could no longer live on the existing resource base. At the same time, there was no necessary critical mass of the population among the aborigines, which could live according to the laws of fathers and grandfathers. Artificial concentration of the population, “internatization” of children, loss of connection between generations, all this led to alienation from the past traditional way of life. The activities of local bodies of Soviet power were accompanied, on the one hand, by a total impact on the traditional ethnocultures of the peoples of the North in order to increase their modernized potential, and on the other hand, by the deployment of large-scale social programs designed to minimize the possible negative consequences of such modernization. The real changes that took place in the life of peoples in the 1930s – 1960s, interpreted by official propaganda and justified by Soviet science as unambiguously positive, did not allow for a long time to notice, let alone make public the negative consequences of such a policy. At the same time, one cannot fail to note the positive shifts in the position of indigenous peoples that have occurred as a result of policies aimed at preserving health, developing education, and changing their way of life. In the 1920s. traveling medical teams became the main form of medical care for the indigenous population. In the Far East, such detachments first appeared in 1924. At first there were 2 of them, later there were 23. Since 1932, a permanent network of paramedics and medical centers began to be created in places of population concentration. Many diseases have been cured and people have come to believe in the efficacy of medicine. Within ten years after the census of the aboriginal population of 1926-1928. in the districts and regions of the Far East, the number of indigenous peoples by 1937 increased from 49902 to 62,761 people, which was 123% of the increase. The situation was also bad with the literacy rate of Aboriginal people, which was 3%. After the establishment of Soviet power, the elimination of illiteracy began. Schools and mobile training centers were opened. When organizing studies, the peculiarities of the population's life were taken into account. In the adopted resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks dated July 25, 1935, "On universal compulsory primary education," it was ordered to conduct universal education in the Far North no later than 1934, and for areas with a nomadic population by 1935. In 1934, general literacy of the indigenous the population was 25%, and the Nanais - 50%. However, despite the measures taken, including the introduction of universal primary education in the country, it was not possible to cover all children in school even by 1940. The creation of national scripts took place in 1931-1936. The Nanais, Nivkhs, Ulchi, Evenki, Chukchi began to use Russian letters. This contributed to the inclusion of the peoples of the Far East in the world cultural process. The publication of magazines, newspapers, books in national languages \u200b\u200btestified to certain successes of cultural policy. However, here it was not without excesses. The unification of the educational process had a particularly painful effect on the schooling of children. Since 1963, in all schools located in places of compact residence of indigenous peoples, the process of teaching in their native languages \u200b\u200bhas ceased. The Russian language supplanted the national languages, and printed publications began to decline. The displacement of national "vestiges" was considered a prerequisite in the formation of a person with a socialist worldview. Many traditions, rituals, beliefs were condemned, many positive and priceless customs of antiquity were subjected to ideological pressure. The way of life among the peoples has changed radically and began to differ little from the way of life of the Russian people. Gone are the colors and attractiveness of national villages, household items, clothes, games and entertainment. All this together caused great damage to the education of the young generation of indigenous people. The dual result of Russification is recognized by scientists in relation to all small peoples of the country, including the peoples of the Far East. Along with the negative manifestations of the policy of imposing Russian culture, national cultures have reached significant heights, which is confirmed by the formation of a scientific, creative intelligentsia from among small peoples. A large role in this was played by the higher educational institutions created for the training of national personnel - the Institute of the Peoples of the North, opened in 1926 in Leningrad, the department of the peoples of the North at the Khabarovsk Pedagogical Institute, opened in 1934. Dozens of people have gained worldwide fame, among them are such writers as Nanaets G. Hodger, Udegean D. Kimonko, Ulch A. Valdyu, Chukchi Yu. Rytkheu, Nivkh V. Sanga, singer and collector of folklore of the peoples of the North K. Beldy, Doctor of Philology S. Onenko, Doctor of Historical Sciences Ch. Taksami and etc. In the 1960s – 1980s. various and in many respects contradictory tendencies of social development of the indigenous peoples of the North emerged and gradually intensified. The rise in the standard of living of the population, the stability of socio-economic development contributed to an increase in their number. Dynamics of the number of indigenous peoples of the Amur region Nationalities 1989 to 1959 (%) Udege Negidal Small peoples were finally involved in economic circulation. In the country, the employment of the population in social production in 1970 was 88.3%, in the region - 89%. The share of the population employed in social production (of the total able-bodied population) among the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur in 1970 was: among the Nanai - 80.9%, the Ulchi - 76.2%, the Nivkhs - 73.9%, the Udegeis - 77.1 %., including among the male population, respectively - 89.5%, 82.6%, 84.2%, 88.6%. In the first case, the decrease in indicators gave a lower, in comparison with male, female employment. This was due to the persisting national traditions, a temporary reduction in the demand for labor in connection with the reorientation of national fishing collective farms to new industries. Social and professional differentiation of the rural population of the peoples of the Lower Amur increased. By the end of the 1970s. the share of those employed in collective farm production among the Nanai - rural residents was 59.7%, the Ulchi - 40.4%, and the rural population was quite widely employed in the state sphere of the national economy. In industry and public education, it ranged from 8.2% to 20.8%. The Nanais and Ulchi mainly lived in collective farms that specialized in fishing. In the 1960s – 1970s. there was a change in the sectoral structure of fishing collective farms - the share of fishing decreased in favor of other sectors. This led to a redistribution of labor within the collective farms, between collective and state production in the countryside, and also between town and country. More than 40% of the Nanai and about 60% of the Ulchi in the 1970s. were employed in state production, which could not but affect the preservation of national crafts, habitat. Negative phenomena, generated by ill-considered and hasty modernization, began to grow. The decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR of February 7, 1980 "On measures for the further economic and social development of the regions inhabited by the peoples of the North" was a belated step and could not radically change the unfavorable situation. A significant loss of the national cultures of the indigenous peoples of the North, the continuing and increasing attack on their habitat from year to year - these are the results of such a policy. The region continued during these years and the consolidation of populated settlements. In the Khabarovsk Territory, 50 small villages, in which ethnic minorities predominantly lived, ceased to exist. During the years of perestroika, scientists were involved in the development of state policy towards indigenous peoples, who are developing a state concept for the development of indigenous peoples, taking into account both positive and negative experience in solving the most complex interethnic problems in the country and abroad. In 1989, a large team of scientists under the leadership of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences proposed a concept of social and economic development of the peoples of the North for the period up to 2010. Within the framework of this concept, the key problems of support and development of the country's indigenous peoples were identified. These include issues of socio-economic, socio-cultural, medical and social development, settlement problems, the architectural environment of life, the system of self-government of indigenous peoples However, the hasty and ill-considered policy of restructuring the entire economic mechanism in the second half of the 1980s. ultimately led to a collapse of the economy and a deterioration in the situation of the entire population of the country, including the indigenous peoples of the North. The employment of the aboriginal population in social production was less than 50% of its population. This most important problem arose after the end of state support that existed during the years of Soviet rule, the collapse of the consumer cooperation, which received wild plants from the indigenous peoples, a significant reduction in the number of deer, and the collapse of fishing collective farms. According to the governor of the Khabarovsk Territory V. I. Ishaev, expressed in the early 1990s, the situation developed in such a way that "... it became clear and understandable that the Far East is falling out of the economic space of Russia." The public's understanding of the importance of the problems that arose radically influenced the awakening of national identity. The development of national movements was especially active in the late 1980s. last century, when popular fronts, movements, political parties began to be created. The indigenous peoples of the North have not spared this process. In 1990, on March 30 in Moscow at the first congress of the indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East, the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East was created. It included 30 regional ethnic associations, created on a territorial and territorial-ethnic principle, some of them were created at the time of the congress: in the Koryak Autonomous Okrug, in Kamchatka, Magadan, Sakhalin, Amur regions, Khabarovsk Territory. After the congress, associations of indigenous peoples are actively being created in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), the Chukotka Autonomous District, and the Primorsky Territory. Associations are being formed: the branch of the Inuit circumpolar conference of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, the Association of the Aleutian people "Ansarko" of the Kamchatka region. In 1997, the Far East Union of the Indigenous Peoples of the Russian Federation was formed as a representative of regional and ethnic Associations of the Indigenous Peoples of the Far East. The supreme body of the Association of Indigenous Minorities of the North, Siberia and the Far East is the congress, convened once every 4 years. Between the congresses, the Coordination Council works, headed by the President. S. N. Kharyuchi was elected the first President. P.V.Sulyandziga became the President of the Association of Indigenous Minorities of the North of the Far East. The Association held 3 congresses of indigenous peoples. By 2000, 3 large-scale projects were carried out. The first project is aimed at developing the institutions of the indigenous peoples of the North and includes three parts. The first is “indigenous peoples to indigenous peoples”. In February 1998, representatives of regional associations established close contacts with the Inuit community in Canada and studied their experience. The second part is “government to government”. The State Committee for Development of the North of the Russian Federation and the Ministry for Indian Affairs and Development of the North of Canada discussed aspects of the development of the policy of the two countries in relation to the Arctic. One of the successful results was the provision of humanitarian aid in Chukotka in January 1998. The third part of the program is the provision of modern technological equipment to the indigenous peoples' associations. The second project "Development of circumpolar cooperation of indigenous peoples in the protection of rights and the environment" at the theoretical and methodological level was implemented by 2000. Seminars and conferences on the problems of indigenous peoples were held, a databank was created on project proposals from the regions, and data on environmental problems was collected. The Association is strengthening its influence on tracking the development and rehabilitation of the environment. At the turn of the XX-XXI centuries. the indigenous peoples of the Far East have faced numerous problems that are of vital (vital) importance to them. The situation in a number of cases for them worsened by the beginning of the XXI century. But it is impossible to consider the situation as catastrophic. Statements about the disappearance of small peoples from the ethnic map of the region are at least erroneous. Ethno-social problems of small peoples are not something unique and exceptional in the world. In countries where indigenous peoples live, similar tasks are being addressed to help them. The life of the peoples of the Far East is also undergoing processes of slow development towards a market economy. The power structures are faced with the task of creating conditions for effective "adaptation" to the new socio-economic and political conditions, developing protective mechanisms against the negative effects of ill-considered reforms and restructuring. Over the course of several years, the persistence of regional authorities, the public, scientists, specialists in various sectors of the economy managed to "turn" the situation towards the revival of the economy and culture of the Far East. This, in turn, provides a broad opportunity to address pressing issues of life and further progress of the indigenous minorities. In 2004, the 10th anniversary of the world's indigenous peoples, announced by the UN, ended. The main development guidelines have been identified. In the Far Eastern constituent entities of the Russian Federation, measures have been outlined and implemented to overcome the negative consequences of state policy in the socio-economic sphere. The decline in the number of individual indigenous peoples is taking place in modern conditions, but it cannot be called catastrophic. Indigenous peoples of the Khabarovsk Territory (according to censuses) All population Peoples of the North Including: Udege Negidal In the Khabarovsk Territory, the "Main Directions for the Development of Indigenous Minorities for 2002-2005" were approved. For three years, 4 regional laws were adopted, more than 20 resolutions of the governor and the regional government on the development of small peoples. The development of the "Program for the Development of Indigenous Minorities for 2006-2008" is nearing completion. The issue of the representation of indigenous peoples in the regional legislature is being considered. Since 2001, there has been a protected clause in the regional budget providing for the allocation of funds for the social and economic development of the indigenous peoples of the North. In 2005, it is planned to allocate more than 10 million rubles, 7.5 million of which are included in the federal budget. The work is carried out in two main directions: to create normal living conditions and to boost the economy of national villages. There are such programs as "Fresh bread" - the installation of bakeries, "Clean Water" - the construction and repair of water supply sources, training and advanced training of personnel for national enterprises. For the economic potential, the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating basic enterprises in national villages is being implemented. National farms have been allocated about 19 million hectares of hunting grounds, more than 100 fishing grounds, the volume of timber harvested by them reaches 100 thousand cubic meters per year, the catch of slaves of various species in 2004 reached 2,700 tons. The problems of preserving the catch of fish remain; it is often sold for next to nothing at the place of catch, which damages the state, nature and the population itself, which does not receive decent wages for their work. There is also no system of processing and marketing of wild plants. At the stage of organization is the regional center "Priamurye", designed for these purposes. Processing of various taiga harvests will be carried out on the basis of LLC "Forest Products". Over the past 3 years, 10 sawmills have been transferred to national farms. The national community "Amur" from the village of Sinda, Nanai region, launched a wide-ranging work. She managed to develop logging and sawn timber production, in 2004 a brick factory was opened in the village. The issue of training specialists from the indigenous peoples of the North and their replenishment of the labor resources of the Far East is being gradually resolved. There are schools with the status of schools of the indigenous peoples of the North, so there are two of them in Nikolaevsk-on-Amur: medical and pedagogical. Students receive free education, being fully supported by funds from the regional budget. In the village of Bulava, Ulchi region, a branch of a technological college was opened; in 2004, the first graduation of 14 young specialists took place. At the same time, the problem of finding a job remains; only half of them got a job. Purposeful work with indigenous peoples is carried out at the Far Eastern Medical University, the preparatory department of which is financed from the regional budget. Khabarovsk State Pedagogical University has been training specialists at the Faculty of Indigenous Peoples since 2003. The regional government is developing programs in various directions: publishing books in national languages, preserving cultural values, supporting health care and education. According to experts, speaking about protecting the rights and interests of indigenous peoples, solving their problems, it should be recognized that this requires the development and implementation of the principles of a new policy of the Russian state on the basis of cooperation and partnership of all sectors of human and civil society, taking into account international experience and frank and objective recognition of the whole complex of difficulties that have arisen in preserving the unique culture of the indigenous peoples of the North. Civilizational changes in the modern world could not but affect the process of economic and socio-cultural development of small peoples living in different countries. Russia in the twentieth century, having entered a period of global changes associated with revolutions, world wars and attempts to create a democratic state, invariably faces the most important problem of creating or maintaining conditions for the original development of indigenous peoples. Of the 45 indigenous small-numbered peoples (indigenous peoples) of Russia, a significant part of them live in the Far East. The Nanais (Golds), Ulchi, Negidals, Nivkhs (Gilyaks), Evens (Tungus - Lamuts), Evenks (Tungus), Udege (Ude), Orochi live on the territory of the Khabarovsk Territory. In the Primorsky Territory there are Evenks (Tungus), Nanai (Golds), Orochi, Udege, Taz; Sakhalin Oblast - Evenki (Tungus), Oroks, Nivkhs; Magadan region - Evens (Tungus - Lamuts), Chukchi, Yukaghirs (Oduls), Chuvans; Kamchatka oblast - Evens (Tunguses - Lamuts), Aleuts, Koryaks, Itelmens (Kamchadals); Amur Region - Evenki (Tungus); in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug - Evens (Tungus - Lamuts), Eskimos (Inuit), Koryaks, Kereks, Chuvans (Eteli); in the Koryak Autonomous Okrug - Evens (Tungus - Lamuts), Aleuts (Ungans), Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens (Kamchadals), in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) - Evenki (Tungus), Evens (Tungus - Lamuts), Yukagirs (Oduls), Dolgans. When examining areas of compact residence of indigenous peoples in the Far Eastern constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the residence of other small ethnic groups is noted. For example, the Chukchi, Koryaks, Aleuts, Nenets, Khanty, Mansi, Dolgans, Eskimos live in the Khabarovsk Territory. The indigenous peoples of the Amur Region live compactly in 54 villages. Among the indigenous peoples of the North, only Evens and Evenks live in the constituent entities of the Far East and beyond, the number, respectively, is 17199 and 30163 people (data for 2000). The rest of the peoples are settled both compactly and throughout the region. Small indigenous peoples of the Far East (data for 2000) Number Places of settlement in the Far East Evenki (Tungus) Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Amur region, Sakhalin region, Evens (Tungus-Lamuts) Magadan Region Kamchatka Region, Chukotka Autonomous Region, Koryaksky Autonomous Region, Khabarovsk Region. Negidal Khabarovsk kr, Nanai (golds) Khabarovsk kr, Primorsk kr. Khabarovsk kr, Sakhalin region, Khabarovsk kr, Primorsk kr. Udege (ude) Primorsky kr. Khabarovsk kr. Aleuts (Ungans) Koryaksky auto area, Kamchatka region, Eskimos (Inuit) Chukotka Autonomous District, Magadan Region Chukotka Autonomous District, Koryaksky Autonomous District, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Kamchatka Region, Chukotka Autonomous District, Koryaksky Autonomous District, Itelmens (Kamchadals) Kamchatka region, Koryaksky auto area, Chukotka Autonomous District, Khabarovsk kr, Sakhalin region Yukaghirs (Oduls) Magadan Region, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Primorsky kr. Chuvans (eteli) Chukotka Autonomous District, Magadan Region The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) In general, the peoples of the North are few in number - this is one of their specific features. Their small number is not the only factor affecting the nature of ethnic processes, including linguistic and cultural assimilation and the preservation of native languages. The level of urbanization of peoples is lower in the autonomous regions than outside them. Ethnic processes proceed more rapidly if the foreign environment is old and significant. The peoples who have preserved their traditional economy preserve their national culture and, as a rule, their native language better. A number of indigenous peoples have a tendency to settle outside the zones of traditional settlement in other areas. At the same time, the stable centuries-old settlement of small peoples is confirmed by the phenomenon of constancy identified by researchers as a characteristic feature of the ethnos, which ensured the regional stability of their life. It is a historical national treasure and wealth of the small peoples of the Far East. It must be taken into account when solving a complex of economic, medical and social problems in the places of residence of the indigenous peoples. Changes are noted in the nature of traditional sectors of the economy, employment of the population, in the ratio of types of labor. The differentiation of activities is progressing. Indicators of the nature of employment of the population so far differ significantly in individual regions of residence of the peoples of the North. If among the peoples of Sakhalin and the Lower Amur the percentage of those employed in the traditional regions reached 25%, in the Chukotka and Koryak districts it was 80%, which is explained by the differences in the settlement and demographic structure of the regions. Studies of the 1990s show that the alienation from the past traditional way of life among the indigenous peoples is a fait accompli. Under the conditions of a technogenic civilization, the adaptation of the aboriginal population to the changed factors of life is weak, the competitiveness is low. The peoples of the North, being in their native habitats, are forced to adapt, develop vitality, flexibility, mental stability. At the same time, one cannot rely only on the internal potential of peoples, their ability to self-regenerate, because this process can drag on for many decades and its consequences will be devastating. Negative trends in the position of the aboriginal population were identified by scientists in the late 1990s. The traditional structure of the economy has not been preserved in full anywhere. It exists in the form of separate elements: hunting, fishing, reindeer herding equipment; a set of national clothes, means of transportation (boats, skis, sledges), techniques and methods of fishing. The number of the population engaged in applied types of national trade is decreasing. Among the surveyed Nivkhs and Negidals, only 54.9% are engaged in such, namely: dressing of skins, knitting of nets, making skis, making clothes, shoes, carving, and embroidery. To master the types of crafts, no more than 57% expressed a desire. The preceding socio-economic development has changed the structure of professional skills, lifestyle, needs, spiritual values. The orientation by the state of the peoples towards their return to a distinctive culture, towards the revival of national types of management without serious financial, material, organizational support, without involvement in social production is destructive. The processes of degradation of industrial-type production in the areas where the indigenous peoples of the North have a decisive impact and are affecting employment in the “official economy”. The reduction in the share of social production in the country's economy led to the problem of employment of the population in various industries. The solution to this is associated with a change in the entire socio-economic situation in the regions of indigenous peoples' residence. Over the past ten to fifteen years, the number of people who believe that traditional crafts should be the main occupation has decreased. The reality is that, with all the costs of socio-economic development, taking into account the equalizing distribution system of socialism, the indigenous peoples of the North have become conditionally the subjects of established production relations. Therefore, the revival of all types of economic activity should take place at the junction of the communal-clan (collective), state-territorial and private enterprise. Highlighting this problem in the context of fulfilling the tasks of overcoming the difficult legacy of the past in the policy of the central authorities in relation to the Far East is directly related to an important point. This is the definition of the regional constitutional and legal status of the indigenous peoples of the Far East. According to experts, it is a set of constitutional rights, freedoms and obligations of citizens of the Russian Federation, representatives of indigenous peoples living in the Far East, enshrined in the norms of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Charters of the subjects of the Far Eastern region and specified by industry legislation, as well as constitutional guarantees that provide the exercise of these rights. At the international level, this problem has been dealt with especially actively lately. Since 1995, the United Nations has declared the International Decade of the World's Indigenous People. The aim of this action is to strengthen international cooperation in solving problems facing indigenous peoples in such areas as human rights, culture, health, environment, education. Almost every year passed under a certain motto: In Russia, many legislative acts and various resolutions have been adopted. 1996-1998 the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation held 15 hearings on the problems of indigenous peoples. The following decisions are the result of active legislative activity of the state: Apparently, the main document on the protection of the rights and interests of the indigenous peoples of Russia is the federal law "On guarantees of the rights of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation." For the first time at the federal level, the possibility of legal regulation of issues of vital importance for the indigenous minorities has been provided. This allows the work of Article 69 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation on the guarantee of the rights of indigenous small-numbered peoples in accordance with generally recognized principles and norms of international law and international treaties of Russia. At the same time, a number of issues arise that require further legal and practical study. These include the following: Experts of the Far East are subject to a serious analysis of the federal law "On the general principles of organizing communities of indigenous minorities" of the peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation. It can be concluded that it is not aimed at protecting the rights of small peoples. The impression of the Law is as follows: in order not to think for a long time, they combined certain provisions of the Law on Public Associations with Chapter 4 "Legal Entities" of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, and this legal "vinaigrette" was served for "digestion" by the indigenous population. Article 5 of the Law states that “the activities of communities are of a non-commercial nature”, and in Article 17, paragraph 3, “communities have the right to sell the products of labor produced by their members”. If the community is a non-profit organization, then for what activities does it receive tax breaks and benefits (Article 7, paragraph 1)? Article 8, paragraph 4 of the Law permits the admission of members of the community to persons who do not belong to small peoples, who carry out economic activities and are engaged in trades traditional for small peoples. But now the entire rural population of the Far East is on the brink of survival, which, due to the lack of work and money, is forced to engage in personal subsidiary farming as the main activity, trade, and temporary work in the city. In general, by the beginning of 2000. according to a number of researchers and scientists, the most acute ethnosocial problems are: The creation of a legal basis for resolving the accumulated problems over the past decades made it possible to determine some guidelines for the further work of state, public organizations, and the communities of indigenous peoples themselves. At the same time, the adopted laws revived production activities, but failed to ensure the effective operation of the communities themselves. New economic conditions, social and psychological factors prevent the peoples of the Amur region from actively participating in production activities. Unemployment, which swept the whole of Russia, is manifested on a particularly large scale among the aborigines. In particular, in Primorye in 1996, the Samarga Udege - 64% of the unemployed, the Iman Udege - 60.5%, the Bikin Udege, Nanai and Oroch s. Krasny Yar - 58.3%, in the cans of the Olginsky region - 8.9%. The purchasing power of pension allowances has decreased by 10 times. The average monthly salary of the Bikin Udege from the public sector is significantly lower than the subsistence level. In the late 1990s, studies of individual places of residence in the Primorsky Territory revealed serious problems in the provision of housing, education, health status, and the birth rate. According to a sociological survey conducted in the Lower Amur at the beginning of 2000. the share of the working-age population from the indigenous minority population, not employed in social production, was a significant part, exceeding more than half, and in the Nikolaevsky region 73.2%. At the same time, the indigenous peoples of the North were employed in agriculture - 90.8%, livestock - 15.4%, were engaged in hunting - 11%, fishing - 66.4%, picking berries - 62.7%, mushrooms - 57.3%. Most likely, the indigenous peoples are undergoing a redistribution of activities. A significant share is occupied by traditional types of work, which make it possible to better achieve an acceptable level of providing families with food and consumer goods. At the same time, the situation in the early 2000s. allows you to adjust the opinion about the position of the indigenous peoples of the Far East. According to the researchers, the idea of \u200b\u200ba higher unemployment rate among indigenous peoples, as well as an extremely low level of the socio-economic status of their families, is a significant exaggeration. Another indicator revealed by sociologists - the material and technical security of their families - serves as proof of the erroneousness of stable public opinion about the plight of peoples. In 1999. in the national families of the Lower Amur, at a level of officially registered income that is two or more times below the subsistence level, only 8.6% of families did not have any equipment, 4% owned cars or trucks, 18% - motorcycles, 37% - motor boats , 2.6% - snowmobiles, 32.3% - TVs, 54.7% - refrigerators, 64.7% - washing machines. At the same time, the level and quality of life of the surveyed families of indigenous northerners almost did not differ from the Russian families living in the same villages. Currently, there is a real consolidation of the indigenous peoples, caused by changes in both global and domestic development. Therefore, the new policy of the Russian state in relation to small peoples should take into account the peculiarities of their life. The most important instrument of state policy in relation to indigenous peoples is the federal target program "Economic and social development of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North until 2010", which is aimed at "creating conditions for the sustainable development of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North in places of compact residence based on the restoration of traditional nature management. and management on the basis of the existing natural, industrial and infrastructural potential ”. To solve pressing problems of further development of a unique original culture, it is important to study the historical path traversed by the peoples of the Far East. It survived in the conditions of a radical breakdown of the established order, the emergence of a new type of statehood, the development and implementation of state policy that did not always meet the interests and needs of ethnic groups. Therefore, an important factor in the coexistence and mutual enrichment of the cultures of all peoples of our country is the care and maintenance of the progress and prosperity of small peoples. Constitutional norms and international legal regulations concerning the indigenous peoples of the North are implemented through federal legislation. Of basic importance is the Federal Law of April 30, 1999 "On the Guarantee of the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples of the Russian Federation". It includes norms that link the traditional way of life of indigenous peoples with the use of natural resources, recognize the existence of their original habitat as a historically established area, within the boundaries of which peoples carry out their life activities (paragraphs 2 and 3 of article 1) and oblige public authorities to ensure the rights of the small peoples for their original socio-economic and cultural development, protection of their original habitat, traditional way of life and management (Article 4). The Federal Law of July 29, 2000 "On the General Principles of Organization of Communities of Indigenous Minorities of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation" grants members of the communities of indigenous peoples the right to use the objects of flora and fauna, minerals and other natural resources (part 2 of article 12). The relations connected with the right of the indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation are most fully regulated by the Federal Law of May 7, 2001 "On the territories of traditional nature management of the indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation." Within the meaning of the aforementioned law, the allocation of territories of traditional nature management is an organizational and legal form of the realization by small peoples of the right to land and related rights. It should also be noted that income (with the exception of remuneration of employees) received by members of the duly registered tribal, family communities of small peoples of the North, engaged in traditional economic sectors, from the sale of products obtained by them as a result of conducting traditional types of fishing, are not taxed. on the basis of the Tax Code of the Russian Federation of July 24, 2002, part 2 of article 217. A number of federal laws on natural resources contain additional rules affecting the interests of the indigenous peoples of the North for the use of land and other natural resources. Among them, one can single out the Federal Law of June 19, 1996 "On the Basics of State Regulation of the Socio-Economic Development of the North of the Russian Federation", "On Specially Protected Natural Areas" of July 12, 1996, "On the Animal World" of April 24, 1995 g., "On the Subsoil" dated March 3, 1995, etc. Federal regulation of the use of land and other natural resources by the indigenous peoples of the North is complemented by regional legislation. The Koryak Autonomous Okrug adopted a normative act on territories of traditional nature management. In the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, on February 3, 1999, the District Duma adopted a law "On State Regulation of Marine Hunting in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug". The legislative base of the Kamchatka region in relation to fishing and marine animal hunting is represented by the laws of the Kamchatka region "On the fauna of the Kamchatka region", "On fishing and aquatic biological resources in the Kamchatka region". The legislation of the Koryak Autonomous Okrug regarding the rights of national enterprises is more developed than in the Kamchatka region. In 1998, by a resolution of the Duma of the Koryak Autonomous Okrug, the regulation "On the national enterprise and the main directions of traditional types of folk crafts" was approved. In the same year, the law of the Koryak Autonomous Okrug "On Fishing in the Koryak Autonomous Okrug" was adopted, in which the main principle indicated "the priority of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North in the use of fish resources along with other natural resources, which together form the basis of their life in their places of residence" ... At the regional level, the problem of the Russian old-timers of Siberia is also noted in the regions where the indigenous and newcomers from the 17th - 18th centuries live in the neighborhood and whose dependence on the natural resources of the territories is almost equivalent. The problem of Russian old-timers is solved in the context of nationality: for example, the Kamchadals of the Kamchatka and Magadan regions, whom many scientists and residents themselves considered as an ethnographic group of Russians, were recently recognized as a separate people of the North, thanks to the residents' many years of appeals to the legislative institutions of these regions. They were able to prove their "rootedness" in this land and get legislative access to resources and benefits for their use. The guarantors of the rights of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation are the Commission on Human Rights under the President of the Russian Federation, the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation, and the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation. They guarantee not only the equality of peoples and the equality of human rights and freedoms, but also special rights in the socio-economic, cultural and other spheres.
The Russian Far East is not a single ethnographic region. Historically, the ethnic map of the region has been extremely variegated. Hundreds of tribes and clans inhabited a vast territory from the coast of the Arctic Ocean to the borders of China and Korea. In the reports of Russian explorers of the 17th century. the Chukchi, Koryaks, Eskimos, Kamchadals, Yukagirs, Tunguses, Aleuts, Gilyaks, Nats, Achans, Goldiks, Solons, Dauras, Duchers and others are mentioned. The Far Eastern aborigines have come a long way of their development. They were the first to inhabit the taiga and tundra, reached the shores of the Arctic and Pacific oceans, and created original cultures. The features of the historical path of the aborigines of the Far East and the originality of their cultures largely depended on the geographical environment against the background and conditions of which these peoples lived.
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